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In a country where developmental needs are varied due to diverse geography and scarce resources, data bridges the gap between need and policy. Data holds the power to transform numbers into action. For Nepal to navigate the complexities of federalism, development, equity, and governance, evidence‑based policy anchored in reliable and timely data is needed. Without it, resource allocation becomes guesswork, progress remains invisible, and governance risks being reactive rather than strategic.

The latest official measures of governance data use in Nepal show a marked and slow improvement, but there is a big room for growth. Nepal’s Statistical Performance Indicator (SPI) for Pillar 5: Data Infrastructure has remained low and stagnant, recorded at 20.0 (scale 0–100) in both 2018 and 2019. The score averaged 20.0 from 2016 to 2019, showing no improvement over the years. Notably, it reached a high of 25.0 in 2016 before declining to 20.0, indicating a downward trend in data infrastructure performance. Data is not simply about numbers, but it’s about making those numbers matter to citizens, communities, and decision‑makers alike.

Why data?

Data sits at the nexus of effective policy and accountable governance. When policymakers can look at real‑time indicators of need, they can direct services where they will matter most. They can track trends, measure outcomes, adjust strategies, and justify decisions. Globally, institutions such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the World Bank emphasize that data‑driven governance improves targeting, boosts transparency, and helps monitor whether policies are actually working.

In Nepal, the potential is enormous. The national planning body, census agencies, and statistical offices already collect demographic, health, education, and economic data. For example, a report by the national statistical office indicates that the federal, provincial, and local levels are beginning to use census and survey data to allocate budgets, adjust infrastructure plans, and monitor development programs. The promise is clear: if used well, data can shift governance from being reactive to strategic. But a big push is needed to implement it.

The country’s effort

Nepal has begun to recognize the transformative power of data in shaping effective policies and governance decisions. In the health sector, the Health Management Information System (HMIS) has been instrumental in tracking health indicators of people. During the COVID-19 pandemic, it helped to track vaccination rates across provinces. This real-time data enabled the Ministry of Health and Population to identify low-coverage areas and deploy targeted interventions, ensuring equitable vaccine access.

Similarly, in disaster management, the integration of meteorological and seismic data into early warning systems has strengthened disaster preparedness. The Department of Hydrology and Meteorology and the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority (NDRRMA) now use real-time weather and flood forecasting models to issue community-level alerts, saving lives during monsoon floods.

The country has also taken steps toward open data and transparency. The adoption of open government data policies and the use of open-source software are aimed at making public sector information more accessible, while initiatives to develop unified data repositories are underway to reduce fragmentation. Capacity-building programs for government officials, alongside efforts to improve data governance, security, and regulatory frameworks, are part of Nepal’s broader strategy to institutionalize evidence-based policy-making. These combined efforts reflect a growing recognition that reliable, timely, and accessible data are essential for effective governance, development planning, and citizen engagement.

Challenges and recommendations

Nepal faces several structural, institutional, and technical challenges that limit the full realization of data in governance. Data quality and timeliness remain a major hurdle. The study shows that traditional methods of collecting data, such as paper-based surveys and censuses, are conducted intermittently, and administrative data systems at local levels can be fragmented or outdated, which creates a huge data gap. For instance, the Nepal Demographic and Health Survey occurs every five years, the National Population and Housing Census every ten years, and the Nepal Living Standards Survey follows a similar decade-long cycle. The traditional data collection methods often create data errors.  In contrast, non-traditional data sources such as satellite imagery, mobile data, and digital reporting can provide real-time or near-real-time insights. Integrating these alternative data streams can help bridge information gaps, strengthen monitoring and reporting, and ultimately support more timely and evidence-based decision-making in governance and policy.

Further, the access and integration of data across levels of government is weak. Often, agencies hold data in silos, with little coordination, and users (policymakers, civil society, and academia) struggle to access machine‑readable formats. The rising use of open-source software is also supporting innovation and efficiency in governance and development efforts. Moreover, by adopting open Application Programming Interfaces (APIs), the government can make public data more accessible through user-friendly digital platforms, empowering citizens to engage with information more effectively and promoting a culture of openness in policymaking.

Capacity and data literacy remain major challenges in Nepal, which often lead to decisions based on intuition rather than evidence. Even when quality data are available, many officials lack the skills to interpret or use them effectively. Limited training, weak institutional support, and a lack of data-driven culture. Building technical skills and promoting data literacy are essential to turn information into actionable insights for better governance. 

While the country has introduced a data protection law, its implementation is still evolving, and comprehensive frameworks for managing, sharing, and securing data are limited. In digital governance, issues such as fragmented database management, inconsistent security standards, and unclear institutional responsibilities have been repeatedly highlighted. The 2019 World Bank’s “Envisioning a Future Data Ecosystem in Federal Nepal” stresses the need to update the statistical act, build foundational registers (people, places, and businesses), and promote links between data producers and users. For Nepal to make the leap from data collection to data‑driven governance and policy, a concerted, multi‑pronged effort is needed.

However, turning this vision into reality will require sustained investment, institutional commitment, and cultural change. It means that the next census, survey, or administrative register is not simply an annual ritual but a living resource that informs real decisions, monitors real outcomes, and fosters trust between citizens and their government. The question for Nepal today is not if data matters, but how to make it matter. The time for a data‑driven Nepal is now.

I started my journey in scientific learning at the age of five. I self-studied geography, the shape of countries, their flags and capital cities. Using my globe, I could name a large portion of the countries, and their geographical boundaries. At the beginning, my major learning source was an educational YouTube channel called ‘Kids Learning Tube’. I continued my journey by uncovering the 118 elements in the Periodic Table. I studied the names and symbols of the elements. 

On a momentous day in UKG, I received homework to draw the Solar System. Ever since I received this homework, I illustrated more versions of the Solar Systems, and grew an immense passion for astronomy. By watching astronomy videos on Kids Learning Tube, I studied the five dwarf planets, the asteroid belt, the Kuiper belt, the Oort cloud and other astronomical and interstellar objects. 

As my curiosity grew with age, I branched out my interests into a wide spectrum of science related topics, especially astronomy and astrophysics. I acquired more sources of learning through the YouTube channel Kurzgesagt. They explore topics related to science, philosophy and mathematics through animated videos. Cell To Singularity, was another source of learning that helped me answer my curiosity on Human evolution. It is an educational app which progressively explores the fruits of evolution in a tech tree. There are also continuous 3-day events, which explore other branches of knowledge, such as the Extinction Events, the Philosophy Events, the James Webb Space Telescope event.

My list of leaning through the years:

• The entirety of the Solar System, from formation to its end.
• The Milky Way Galaxy.
• The Big Bang Theory.
• The Big Rip Theory.
• The Big Crunch Theory.
• Heat Death.
• Stars: their formation, their classification and their end.
• White Dwarfs, Black Dwarfs
• Supernova, Black hole, Neutron Stars and Gravastar.
• The Human Immune System.
• The deadliest diseases: Malaria, Rabies, Naegleria Fowleri etc.

When it comes to science my greatest inspirations are Albert Einstein: The Father of Science, Nikola Tesla: The greatest Inventor and Stephen Hawkings for his theorem on Black Holes. Science is not just a subject; it has become a way of life. It’s like the Dharma that one lives with every day. I have barely scratched the fundamentals of science, and I aspire to explore even deeper expanding my knowledge. Science knows no Country because Knowledge belongs to Humanity and is the torch that illuminates the world.

Binayak Shrestha

Grade VI

Aarambha Sanskar Vidyalaya

The world around us is full of noise—cars honking, factories buzzing, and machines running. But behind all this sound, there’s a quiet voice we often forget to hear. It is the voice of nature—the trees, rivers, mountains, and animals—softly crying for help.

From the green hills of Nepal to the big cities of the world, our Earth is slowly losing its beauty. The air is filled with smoke, the rivers are turning dirty, and the forests are disappearing. Nature keeps speaking to us, but we have stopped listening.

In a small village in Nepal, a little girl named Aasha once asked her teacher, “Sir, why can’t I see the butterflies my grandmother used to see?” The question sounds simple, yet it is deeply sad. It shows how, with each new generation, a piece of nature’s beauty is fading away.

Today, many children grow up with phones and video games. But some have never climbed a tree, played in the rain, or seen a clear river. If they never see nature’s beauty, how will they learn to love and protect it?

Young people are full of ideas and energy. In Kathmandu, a boy named Sujan and his friends have started planting trees every Saturday. He says, “We cannot fix the whole world, but we can do our part.” Students in many countries are doing the same—cleaning rivers, planting trees, and spreading awareness. Their efforts give hope that our generation can bring back the green world that is slowly disappearing.

Adults, on the other hand, are busy with work and daily life. They build cities, run businesses, and chase success. But in this race, they sometimes forget that clean air and pure water are far more valuable than gold or silver.

A teacher in Bhaktapur once said, “When I was a child, I played in fresh streams. Now my students wear masks to school.” We must remember: when nature becomes sick, we cannot stay healthy.

The elderly among us remember a different world—a world full of trees, the songs of birds, and clear blue skies. Hari Baje, from a village in Lamjung, recalls, “When I was young, we used to drink straight from the river. Now even the fish are gone.” Their memories are lessons for us. They remind us of how beautiful the Earth once was—and how we must protect what is left.

Nature’s pain is not only Nepal’s problem. It is the world’s problem—the problem of all humans. One country faces forest fires, while another struggles with polluted oceans. But Earth is one home, and we all live in it together. If we destroy nature in one place, life suffers everywhere. Still, it is not too late. The Earth can heal itself if we care for it. If we plant trees, save water, and keep our surroundings clean, even small actions can make a big difference. Nature forgives easily—one tree can give shade, fruit, and life to many.If every person does a little, together we can do a lot.

Nature is not something outside of us—it is part of us. When we care for it, we care for ourselves. And when we harm it, we harm our own future. So let us promise to listen to the silent cry of nature—by planting, protecting, and living in harmony with the Earth. Because Earth is not just our home for today—it is the home of every tomorrow.

Samunnat Sharma

Grade VIII

Sanskar Pathshala, Dang

Two months after the GenZ protest, Nepal’s politics remain largely unchanged, and political parties have refused to acknowledge the spirit of the movement of Sept 8. Streets in Kathmandu were filled with young demonstrators raising their voices against corruption and the social media ban. Following the repression and deaths of young protesters that day, public outrage erupted on Sept 9, forcing then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to resign and take protection with the Nepal Army. The protest still leaves many questions unanswered, including the potential role of infiltrators, constitutional breaches, and the legal accountability of the then Home Minister and the Prime Minister. Yet the core message was clear: the current structure and leadership of political parties are not trusted.

This message has been consistent among most Nepali voters, particularly the urban youth. In the last several years, political analysts, civil society members, scholars, and politicians have been engaging in conversations about deep-rooted frustration in Nepali society. A survey conducted by the Nepal Institute for Policy Research in Feb 2024, and a later published National Survey of Nepal by the International Republican Institute in June 2024, highlighted a significant level of youth dissatisfaction. More than 65 percent of respondents felt that political parties were moving in the wrong direction, while roughly three out of four expressed skepticism toward the motives of political leaders. This frustration had already manifested during local and federal elections, where urban voters demonstrated clear resentment toward mainstream parties.

Following the elections, public discussions centered on political reform, and it seemed as though parties were presented with a choice: reform or extinction. Most questions were focused on internal democracy, leadership change, and a genuine commitment to institutional reform to tackle longstanding corruption. The Sept 8-9 protest was not a sudden outburst but years of accumulated frustration. The issues raised like anti-corruption measures, the “nepokids” phenomenon, and opposition to the social media ban should be understood as longstanding grievances in Nepali society. These demands were not new as they echoed a persistent call for accountable leadership, meaningful party reform, and genuine inclusion of young voices in decision-making.

Yet, in the aftermath of the protest, political parties largely ignored this message. Nepali Congress has struggled to conclude its central committee meeting, with little sign of internalizing the spirit of the protest. CPN-UML openly disregarded the protests and refused accountability for the violent crackdown under the Oli-led government. CPN-Maoist and smaller communist parties have united as a single party but have failed to engage directly with demands for leadership change and youth inclusion. Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) faces challenges in balancing the blame associated with its chairperson, Rabi Lamichhane, while trying to acknowledge the GenZ movement as well.

Mainstream political parties have largely failed to grasp the depth of public discontent. Instead of addressing widespread frustration over corruption, the disconnect from citizen expectations, and accountability for September 8, many leaders have focused on superficial narratives by labeling the protests politically motivated, blaming social media, or dismissing them as a result of geopolitical interference. By prioritizing self-preservation and partisan interests over genuine accountability, political elites have reinforced the perception that mainstream politics is detached and unresponsive.

As of today, the interim government led by PM Sushila Karki is preparing for the general election on March 5. Most parties have accepted the outcome of the protest and plan to face voters, however, CPN-UML has actively confronted the government, campaigning for the restoration of parliament and calling for protests. Parties going to elections without any substantive change or refusing to participate both disregard the youth movement and the message it carried.

The refusal of political parties to internalize the GenZ protest carries profound implications for Nepal’s political landscape. First, it deepens the erosion of political trust, particularly among urban youth, who increasingly perceive mainstream parties as self-serving institutions rather than accountable actors. When voters feel ignored, skepticism about the value of elections and democratic participation intensifies, creating fertile ground for disillusionment. According to a global study by the OECD on youth political engagement, younger generations are less committed to democratic institutions and more likely to become politically alienated when governments fail to perform effectively, particularly in contexts marked by corruption or unresponsiveness.

Second, persistent neglect risks creating a generation of political hopelessness. Young citizens may disengage from formal politics entirely resulting in absence of youth voices in governance and leadership roles despite their demographic prominence. This disengagement undermines representative democracy, reduces pressure on politicians to implement reforms, and contributes to halted institutional reform, continued policy paralysis, and the persistence of corruption and inefficiency.

Third, ignoring longstanding grievances can exacerbate social polarization. When institutional channels for voicing concerns are ineffective or blocked, frustration may spill into identity-based politics, street mobilizations, and divisive social media campaigns. The absence of trust in mainstream political parties creates fertile ground not only for new parties or movements but also for authoritarian or anti-democratic forces. Political instability and societal discontent create openings for external geopolitical actors to intervene, influence narratives, or exploit divisions, potentially shaping domestic politics to serve strategic interests rather than national priorities. As observed in comparative studies of democratic backsliding, when citizens lose hope and distrust elected democratic leaders, political entrepreneurs seeking power through division, fear, and populism can gain traction, eroding institutional checks and weakening democratic norms from within. Democratic backsliding often begins under ostensibly popular democratic governments that fail to deliver legitimacy and accountability.

Finally, governance suffers when leaders prioritize self-preservation over reform. Policy paralysis, unchecked corruption, and inefficiency continue, exacerbating societal frustrations. Over time, these dynamics threaten institutional stability, impede long-term development, and weaken public faith in the democratic process.

The GenZ protest, therefore, was not merely a transient event but was a warning. The stakes are high: continued disregard risks producing a generation for whom mainstream politics is no longer a viable avenue for participation, amplifying social polarization, creating openings for anti-democratic forces, and inviting geopolitical actors to exploit domestic fissures, all of which could undermine the foundations of Nepalese democracy.

In conclusion, Nepal’s political parties face a critical choice. The message from the social sphere has been clear for years: change in leadership, demand for accountability, inclusion, and institutional reform is non-negotiable. Ignoring these demands not only alienates an entire generation but also creates fertile ground for division, radicalization, and anti-democratic forces to emerge. Political parties must confront the structural failures that generated this discontent and act decisively, or risk a future where trust in institutions is irreparably lost, social cohesion is weakened, and democracy itself becomes fragile. The GenZ protest is more than a moment of civic expression, it is a warning for the nation, and its lessons remain urgent and unheeded.

Sparsh Adhikari

Bachelor of Science in Foreign Service

IInd Year

Georgetown University,  Qatar